Inês Costa Louro, Aloyce Urassa, and Hamaiyal Sana
Inês Costa Louro, Aloyce Urassa, and Hamaiyal Sana

With half of the global population now under the age of 30, the question of how to involve younger adults in global health decision-making is becoming increasingly urgent. In the latest episode of the Global Health Matters podcast, Dr. Garry Aslanyan invites three young leaders to discuss the role of youth in shaping health-related policies and strategies for today and the future.

The three guests are Inês Costa Louro, Aloyce Urassa, and Hamaiyal Sana.

Louro is a first-year medical doctor from Portugal and serves as vice president for external affairs of the International Federation of Medical Students Associations.

Urassa is a public health scientist from Tanzania and the chairperson of the African Leaders Malaria Alliance Youth Advisory Council. Sana is a Pakistani medical doctor and vice chair of the World Health Organization’s Youth Council.

“I do believe we are the leaders of the future, and in a few years, we will be leading our countries,” Louro said. “We will be the voices in global health, not just the young voices.”

However, she noted that her generation is often seen as a group that can provide input on future challenges but is not always included in addressing current ones.

“I do believe that there needs to be a shift,” Louro emphasized. “I think a small shift could be to actually start participating and collaborating in capacity building and building resources together—not just showing us different resources that are not always adequate for the generation at hand. There are things that are already happening within some big organizations that I think are the key to youth engagement.

“Start valuing what we can bring to the table because a lot of us are actually researchers,” she continued, explaining that young people should be recognized not only for their voices but also as fellow experts.

Still, challenges to youth involvement persist, with funding being a major obstacle. According to Urassa, support is essential to ensure meaningful participation from diverse youth.

“You cannot just tell young people, ‘we are encouraging you to participate,’ while there is no clear mechanism on how they will participate,” Urassa said. He added, “There should be local promotion of these opportunities because most of them are promoted through high-level platforms or social media, where some of the youth who are most affected might not have access.”

Funding and visa issues are specific barriers that often prevent many young people from participating.

“If a big organization like WHO or a UN entity actually takes proactive steps on these issues, a lot of visas could be awarded to young people who would otherwise not be able to travel, attend conferences, or participate in other events,” Louro said. “That should be the first and foremost step toward equity, inclusion, and diversity.”

Young people’s digital expertise is another key factor in their potential contribution to global health. Louro highlighted this as one of the most relevant points.

“We live in a world where not only the future but also the present is digital. We live in a digital world,” she said. “Who better to navigate us in this digital world than us? Our generation. We are digital natives. We need to help navigate this digital transformation of health and the digital transformation of the world.

Listen to more Global Health Matters podcasts on Health Policy Watch >>

Image Credits: Global Health Matters/TDR.

 

Delegates at ILGA, the international lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex association, which held its biggest-ever international summit in Cape Town, South Africa, earlier this month.

The global rise of right-wing governments is threatening sexual and reproductive health (SRH) and LGBTQ rights – but human rights defenders and progressive donors are rallying to mitigate this.

US President-elect Donald Trump is expected to reinstate the Global Gag Rule that prohibits foreign NGOs who get US aid from providing or advocating for abortion on Day One of his presidency. His Defense Secretary pick, Pete Hegseth, is predicted to take action against transgender soldiers in the US Army. 

There will also be a substantial reduction in global aid for SRH and LGBTQ communities as Trump will end US support for these issues, both via the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and by reducing funding for UN agencies.

Several European governments that had stepped up during Trump’s previous presidency (2017-2021) to fund SRH and LGBTQ causes are now under right-wing rule and implementing aid cuts of their own. Others are overburdened with aid to Ukraine.

The Dutch government, now governed by a right-wing coalition, aims to cut its overseas development aid (ODA) by almost one-third next year. Grants to Dutch NGOs that dispensed much of the funds will be cut by 70%.

The Netherlands was the second biggest European donor for SRH, but it did not even mention SRH or LGBTQ issues in its mid-November announcement on development budget cuts. Under health priorities, it only mentions HIV and “preventing harmful cultural practices such as female genital mutilation, child marriage and harmful rites of passage to adulthood”.

In 2022, Sweden, under a centre-right coalition, cut its support for SRH by 17%, (168.5 million Euros) and is planning further cuts. However, it has maintained support for LGBTQ rights.

New LGBTQ funding

Days after Trump’s victory, ILGA, the international lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex association, held its biggest-ever international meeting in Cape Town, South Africa, vowing to act “in global solidarity against the ongoing anti-rights pushback”.

Shortly before the ILGA meeting, the first-ever Global LGBTI Funding Summit secured $100 million in new donor pledges for global LGBTI rights. But only three governments – Denmark, Germany, and Norway – have pledged so far.

“The Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) mobilized this campaign in response to seeing big risks to global LGBTI funding on the horizon,” GPP deputy director Ezra Nepon told Health Policy Watch.

“The US election results confirm and amplify those risks, and the $100 million in pledged new funds for LGBTI communities will be crucial to help resource and defend movements under attack. With the success of reaching our first pledge goal, GPP has extended the campaign to mobilize another $50 million in pledges by June 2025. Now is the time to step forward and commit big new resources for LGBTI movements and communities around the world.”

Germany and Mexico are co-chairs of the Equal Rights Coalition, a 44-country strong alliance of governments and NGOs formed in 2016 to protect the human rights of LGBTI people. Not a single African country belongs to the coalition although South Africa’s Constitution prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation.

The work of the coalition takes place largely in thematic groups. The Netherlands, with NGO OutRight, heads international diplomacy efforts but its role is in question given its new right-wing government.

Democracy is not a ‘spectator sport’

Dr Alvero Bermejo, Director-General of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (second left), Mpho Tutu-van Furth (right) and others address the ILGA opening plenary.

Addressing the opening of the ILGA conference, Reverend Mpho Tutu-van Furth warned against assuming that the right to equality had been won.

“Complacency is a kind of drugged drowsiness. When we walk around assuming that what has been won will always be ours, we find that those wins are challenged or they’re eroded or they’re ignored,” said Tutu-van Furth, daughter of legendary anti-apartheid leader Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

“In South Africa, we swallowed that sweet syrup of complacency. Justice had won. Justice was done,” said Tutu-van Furth, now a pastor in the Episcopal Church as the Anglican Church withdrew her license to preach after she married a woman.

“We treated democracy as a spectator sport. Our ballot was the ticket to the game. Cast your vote and watch the government of the day do the best for you. But democracy is not a spectator sport, and your ballot is not a ticket to snooze in the stands. Your ballot is a permission slip that allows you to hold your elected representatives to account.”

Also addressing the ILGA Summit, Dr Alvero Bermejo, Director-General of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), appealed for alliances to secure human rights.

“During the HIV crisis, there were strategic partnerships with very different partners,” Bermejo noted. “The space has shrunk. People are quick to call each other out on social media. But we need to re-create the space to make alliances.”

Rights are good for health

Depriving people of rights has negative consequences for health, particularly in the spread of sexually transmitted infections.

“Studies have consistently found that HIV policies grounded in human rights achieve superior results over those that are not rights-based,” UNAIDS notes in its annual World AIDS report released on Tuesday.

HIV prevalence is five times higher among men who have sex with men (MSM) in countries that criminalize same-sex sexual acts, according to UNAIDS, which has made “Take the rights path to end AIDS” its theme for International AIDS Day on 1 December.

“The human rights environment is deteriorating in many countries, and the commitment to multilateral efforts to address global challenges is often fraying,” the UNAIDS report notes.

“These trends are interconnected and threaten to undermine access to HIV prevention and treatment. Contexts that are experiencing democratic retrenchment are frequently those that are increasingly hostile to gender equality and the human rights of people from key populations.”

“Key populations” refers to those most vulnerable to HIV: sex workers, men who have sex with men, transgender people, prisoners and people who inject drugs.

Andriy Klepikov,  executive director of the Alliance for Public Health, one of the largest HIV and TB NGOs in Ukraine, describes the stalemate over human rights as “a war between ideology, prejudice and stereotypes on the one side and evidence-based science on the other side.”

“Countries like Russia are neglecting all the evidence [which shows] that the HIV epidemic is going up as a result of punitive law and repressive policies,” he told a World Health Summit event last year. 

Writing in the UNAIDS report, Elton John notes: “Shockingly, 44% of all new HIV infections worldwide are among women and girls. The risk of acquiring HIV is 23 times higher for gay men and other men who have sex with men than for people in the general population.”

Mpox vaccinations hindered

Mpox can also be sexually transmitted and “most of the cases that were reported in the multi-country outbreak in 2022/2023 were identified among gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men,” according to the World Health Organization (WHO).

However, in the large mpox outbreak currently affecting Central Africa, only the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is targeting MSM in its vaccination drive – and it can do so as it doesn’t outlaw same-sex relationships.

The DRC’s neighbours – Burundi and Uganda – are facing significant mpox outbreaks yet they are unable to reach this key group because they have outlawed all LGBTQ activities.

Likewise, banning abortion has never stopped women and girls from ending unwanted pregnancies. It has simply driven them to unsafe providers whose methods often maim and even kill them.

Unsafe abortions are a “significant and preventable cause of maternal mortality”, Dr Anu Kumar, CEO of Ipas, told Health Policy Watch.

Approximately 6.2 million women and girls had abortions in Sub-Saharan Africa in 2019, and the region has the highest rate of unplanned pregnancies and abortion-related deaths in the world – 185 maternal deaths per 100,000 abortions, according to  Guttmacher.

Polarised world

“In such polarised and contentious times, it has been heartening to witness so many people coming together, strengthening bonds to resist the anti-rights wave, and keep advancing the human rights of LGBTI peoples,” Julia Ehrt, ILGA World’s executive director, said after the conference.

“This conference has been a testament to the resilience, courage, and determination of our global movement. In Cape Town, we witnessed the strength of our unity, and we are inspired to continue working toward a world where everyone is free to live authentically and without fear.”

UNAIDS also notes that, “although the declining space for civil society in many parts of the world is alarming, there are places where space for civil society is expanding.

“In 2023, civic space opened up in more than 30 countries, including through judicial decisions, the release or acquittal of human rights defenders, or civil society policy victories,” it adds.

“We can elevate the human rights of all people living with or affected by HIV and end AIDS as a public health threat—or we can scapegoat, ostracize and punish the most marginalized people and watch the long-term human and financial costs of responding to HIV increase ever further,” UNAIDS concludes, calling on governments to fulfill their commitments to ending HIV.

However, the path ahead is rocky. Conservatives across the religious spectrum have formed strong alliances with right-wing politicians to ban abortion and promote the “natural family”, which is male-headed, heterosexual and has no space for LGBTQ people.

This alliance has deep pockets and is intent on rolling back a range of sexual and reproductive rights already won in international agreements, replacing them with documents such as the anti-abortion Geneva Consensus Declaration crafted during Trump’s presidency.

Trump’s US will become a poweful addition to the pushback against abortion and LGBTQ rights – currently led by at UN forums by Russia, Iran, Syria, Egypt and Nigeria.

Regional Congress on self-care in Asia-Pacific
Regional Congress on self-care in Asia-Pacific

Last week, stakeholders gathered in Bangkok for the first-ever Regional Congress on Self-Care in the Asia-Pacific to discuss the importance of interventions and policies within the region.

Throughout the proceedings, it was gratifying to see how increasing awareness and support for self-care is resonating regionally – as well as at national and global levels. WHO defines self-care as “the ability of individuals, families and communities to promote health, prevent disease, maintain health and cope with illness and disability with or without the support of a healthcare provider” and considers it essential to achieving Universal Health Coverage (UHC).

The three-day congress focused on topics including digital health, health literacy and environmental sustainability. Co-hosted by the Asia-Pacific Self-Medication Industry (APSMI), the Thai Self-Medication Industry Association (TSMIA) and the Global Self-Care Federation (GSCF), it brought together government officials, healthcare professionals, industry representatives and experts.

The congress opened with the official launch of the Bangkok Joint Initiative on Self-Care of Medical Products: Enhancing Wellbeing in the Asia-Pacific Region. The Initiative highlights the central role of self-care in promoting increased access to health and Wellbeing across the region.

During the Congress, Sylvia Tsai, Chairperson, APSMI, said, “This Initiative is an impressive multi-sectoral collaboration that promises to advance self-care and enhance policy and practice. By working together, we have the power to shape regulatory frameworks, eliminate barriers and create inclusive policies that empower individuals to leverage self-care to make better health and wellbeing decisions.”

It was great to build on the self-care commitments we have seen in the last year, including the endorsement of the Sao Paulo Declaration on Self-Care for Universal Health Coverage adopted last year by Ministers of Health of the Latin American region and the launch of a joint statement by the World Bank, HRP, WHO, UNDP, and UNFPA centered on self-care and sexual and reproductive health in the context of advancing UHC.

Regional Congress on self-care in Asia-Pacific
Regional Congress on self-care in Asia-Pacific

Self-care in Asia-Pacific

Self-care is a fundamental practice that continues to play an important role in healthcare systems in the Asia-Pacific region, which is home to almost 1.9 billion people across 37 countries and areas.

According to our Economic and Social Value of Self-Care report, self-care practices in the region tend to encompass good nutrition, hygiene, exercise, and self-medication. Traditional herbal medicines are prevalent as a form of self-care across many countries, including Korea, Japan and China.

When it comes to policy, there is a critical need to broaden access to self-care in the region to improve the sustainability of health systems. We have observed significant policy developments in Asia-Pacific, including regulation to switch prescription medicines to over-the-counter (OTC) status and policy that simplifies the OTC registration process to expedite the availability of self-care options for consumers (e.g., Singapore).

Importance of health literacy

According to the Global Self-Care Federation’s Self-Care Readiness Index, many people globally and in Asia-Pacific have problems learning about their health because they have difficulty understanding written information.

Self-care statistics
Self-care statistics

Our study found limited health literacy rates in the Asia-Pacific region, ranging from a low of 7.3% in Laos to 51.5% in the Philippines on the other extreme. To address this gap in health literacy, we need to ensure that individuals are well-equipped with skills that allow them to understand their medications and ensure the quality and accessibility of digital health information so that people are able to take charge of their health.

E-labeling, for example, makes product information more accessible and understandable to the public by providing individuals with real-time information on healthcare products, multi-lingual support, improved readability and visual demonstrations. Digitalization can also support the development of e-pharmacies and wider e-commerce channels to improve access to self-care products.

Regional Congress on self-care in Asia-Pacific
Regional Congress on self-care in Asia-Pacific

On the road to 2025

Our ambition has always been to create a healthier world by promoting inclusive health systems and better self-care. We are actively pursuing the adoption of a WHO Resolution on Self-Care—not for the sake of it but because self-care is a fundamental component for the sustainability of our health systems and for the health and wellbeingwell-being of everybody.

Ahead of upcoming global health discussions, including the WHO global oral health meeting and the 2025 UN High-Level Meeting of the UN General Assembly on the Prevention and Control of NCDs, we are advocating for policies that prioritize self-care as a critical element of Universal Health Coverage.

As we move forward, integrating self-care into our health systems represents not just a response to current challenges but a proactive strategy for a healthier future. By empowering individuals with the tools and knowledge to take charge of their health, we create resilience and reduce the burden on healthcare systems.

Together, we can ensure that every individual, regardless of background, has the resources and support they need to thrive.

Let’s commit to making self-care a foundation of our health agenda, paving the way for a healthier Asia-Pacific and a better world.

About the author

Judy Stenmark is the Director-General of the Global Self-Care Federation (GSCF), which aims to create a healthier world through promoting inclusive health systems and better self-care. Judy has had a long-standing career leading global and national NGOs in the musculoskeletal arena, with a previous eight-year tenure as head of the International Osteoporosis Foundation (IOF) in Nyon, Switzerland and nine years leading Osteoporosis Australia before that.

An Australian national, Judy has spent the last 10 years living and working in Switzerland. During this time, she has established a strong network within global healthcare institutions, including the World Health Organization, international scientific academia, and many global pharmaceutical and consumer health companies. She holds a bachelor’s degree in Physiotherapy and a master’s in Public Health.

Image Credits: GSCF.

Kick Big Soda Out campaign
Kick Big Soda Out campaign

The “Kick Big Soda Out!” campaign launched on July 8, 2024 ahead of the 2024 Paris Olympics and ran through the end of the Paralympics. It’s all about holding sugary drinks companies – especially Coca-Cola – accountable for their impact on health and the environment.

To discuss the campaign, Health Policy Watch spoke to Trish Cotter, Global Lead for the Food Policy Program at Vital Strategies.

What is the “Kick Big Soda Out” campaign?

Cotter: Sugary drinks are linked with health issues like Type 2 diabetes, stroke and heart disease. In fact, Type 2 diabetes rates are climbing, with an estimated 537 million adults living with diabetes worldwide and that number is expected to skyrocket to 246 million by 2045. Even further, obesity rates have more than doubled among adults and have quadrupled among kids and teens since 1990. Big Soda companies are also among the biggest plastic polluters and have been caught taking water from communities already struggling to access clean water.


The campaign exposed how Big Soda, through sponsoring events like the Olympics, “sportswashes” away the harm its products cause for public health and the environment by associating them with athletes’ and sports’ greatest moments. The goal was to draw attention to this damaging marketing tactic, and going forward, urge sports organizations to shun the sticky dollars of Big Soda companies and pursue healthier, more sustainable sponsorships.

Who is behind the campaign?

Cotter: “Kick Big Soda Out!” is a movement of almost 100 organizations with the backing of a quarter of a million supporters working to fight Big Soda’s use of sporting events to market unhealthy, environmentally harmful products, especially to kids and teens.

How would you describe the “Kick Big Soda Out” campaign? What were the most significant accomplishments from your perspective?

Cotter: “Kick Big Soda Out!” combined social media outreach, media engagement and grassroots events to end Big Soda’s reign over sport. One of the standout accomplishments of the campaign has been its incredible global resonance. The petition to end Coca-Cola’s Olympic sponsorship garnered over 255,000 signatures from 195 countries, uniting voices from every corner of the world. It also gained the powerful endorsement of 93 organizations, adding their might to end Big Soda’s sport sponsorships. This extraordinary groundswell of support not only showcased the strength of collective action but also cemented the campaign’s impact across public health and environmental communities, making it a true force for change.

Why did the campaign start with targeting the 2024 Summer Olympics, the pinnacle of sporting achievement?

Cotter: For nearly 100 years, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) has given Coca-Cola an unmatched opportunity to sponsor the Olympics and link its brand with fitness and health. This year’s Paris Olympics – estimated to have been watched by over one billion people – provided a prime opportunity to expose how Big Soda leverages such a monumental event to push unhealthy products. It’s a striking and timely example of how sugary drink companies continue to mask their impact on health and the environment.

Why was it important to draw attention specifically to Coca-Cola’s Olympic sponsorship, and what makes this relationship unique?

Cotter: Focusing on Coca-Cola’s Olympic sponsorship was crucial because of the visibility it offers and the Games’ positive image. The long-standing, high-profile nature of Coca-Cola’s sponsorship lets the company market its products to millions, under the guise of “wellness.”

But this is not a new phenomenon. Big Tobacco used to be a leading sponsor of the Olympic Games before evidence showed that cigarette smoking causes lung cancer, emphysema and many other diseases. Just as the companies behind these products were banned from advertising during or sponsoring sporting events, the Olympics’ Big Soda partner should be subject to the same restrictions. Big Soda is the final frontier for sports organizations to sever ties with companies that undeniably harm public health.

It’s also important to spotlight how this partnership has global implications. It gives Coca-Cola executives access to closed door meetings with world leaders and government representatives at the Olympics, enabling them to influence public health policy to protect their profits. It’s this proximity to power that makes this sponsorship deal particularly dangerous.

What strategies did you use to reach and engage different communities and advocates?

Cotter: The “Kick Big Soda Out!” campaign used a variety of strategies to engage diverse communities and empower advocates across the globe. The campaign developed materials that were relevant for different regions and languages, helping ensure that local audiences could easily understand and share the campaign’s messages countering the “sportswashed” image cultivated by Big Soda. Social platforms like Facebook, Instagram and TikTok were key for reaching younger audiences with eye-catching visuals and videos.

Local organizations also hosted events and demonstrations, including one held outside the Mexican Olympic Committee. These grassroots actions helped draw attention to the issues and encouraged engagement and participation.

Education was a big part of the strategy too. The campaign’s materials – fact sheets, backgrounders and social media content – highlighted the health risks of sugary drinks and the environmental damage caused by Big Soda, such as plastic pollution and water exploitation. By linking health and environmental concerns as part of a larger conversation about corporate responsibility, the campaign connected with a wider audience, including groups like Greenpeace.

How do you know if the campaign is working well?

Cotter: The response has been truly remarkable. The participation from diverse sectors underscored the broad appeal of the campaign. Additionally, it quickly spread through social media engagement, reaching over 31 million people and resulting in over 255,000 petition signatures. This momentum clearly shows how effectively the campaign has tapped into people’s opposition to Big Soda’s influence over sports and their desire for change.

Global media outlets also recognized the campaign’s growing influence. Seeing over 430 media mentions—including high-profile op-eds and press releases—confirmed the “Kick Big Soda Out!” mission to bring attention to these pernicious sponsorship deals was extending far beyond the public health and environmental communities. Combined with grassroots support and social media activity, this significant coverage shows how much the campaign succeeded in building this movement. We aim to harness this momentum as the campaign’s supporters continue to put pressure on sporting events to end their relationships with Big Soda.

Have you shared the petition with the IOC?

Cotter: Yes. The IOC rejected the petition by reaffirming its support for its sponsorship deal with Coca-Cola and failing to acknowledge Big Soda’s health and environmental harms.

Since the IOC refused to end its relationship with Coca-Cola, it’s important to call attention to the Coca-Cola Company’s responsible marketing policy, which claims the company does not directly market its products to children under 12. Coca-Cola’s branding could easily be seen throughout the Olympic Games by children of all ages at Olympic venues and on TV broadcasts, digital and social media. While Coca-Cola may claim to not directly target children with its marketing, it is impossible for them to avoid it. The notion that kids were shielded from Coca-Cola’s marketing is absurd and directly contradicts their so-called “responsible” marketing guidelines. It’s clear that any justification for this sponsorship is a weak attempt to placate opponents without major consequences for the soda giant’s bottom line.

Yet, the IOC’s leadership still has an opportunity to re-evaluate their long-standing Coca-Cola partnership. They can lead and clear the way for sponsors that align with the stated Olympic values of health, sustainability and corporate responsibility. The campaign’s organizers and supporters will continue to push a pro-health agenda for the end of Big Soda’s sponsorship of sport, including the Olympics.

How can people see it or continue take part in the campaign?

Cotter: There are plenty of ways to stay involved. Head over to the campaign website (www.kickbigsodaout.org) for updates and resources. While the petition has closed, the website and all “the Kick Big Soda Out!” social media accounts will keep you in the loop about future campaign initiatives.

Are there plans to continue the campaign? If so, what changes do you envision for “Kick Big Soda Out” in the future?

Cotter: Absolutely, this is only the beginning. Like the IOC, “Kick Big Soda Out!” will keep putting pressure on other sports governing bodies to end their sponsorship deals with Big Soda.

There are also many opportunities to tackle sponsorship deals for other unhealthy items, such as ultra-processed products, especially when they target kids and people at risk for poor health. The goal is to create lasting change in how corporations use sport to promote harmful products.

The success of the campaign shows that this movement can continue to grow and push back against corporate influence. “Kick Big Soda Out!” will encourage other global and national campaigns aimed at protecting consumers to explore industry’s unethical marketing tactics like “brand washing” and “sportswashing.” Together, we can put public health and the planet first.

Image Credits: Vital Strategies.

COP 29 in Baku, Azerbaijan.

Baku’s Olympic stadium was always an unlikely arena for the world to strike a landmark climate agreement.

As the world’s first oil town, the Azerbaijani capital’s history is steeped in the fossil fuels driving the climate crisis. Its port launched the maiden voyage of the world’s first oil tanker, and Azerbaijan’s name, derived from ‘Azar,’ the Persian word for fire, is a reference to the natural oil and gas flares that have dotted its mountainous landscape for centuries.

Three flame-shaped skyscrapers tower over modern-day Baku as monuments to fossil fuels’ centrality in Azerbaijan’s story – symbolism reflected in President Ilham Aliyev’s opening declaration of fossil fuels as “a gift from God” and the country’s nickname: “The Land of Fire.”

With Azerbaijan being the third consecutive petrostate to host UN climate negotiations – following Egypt and the UAE – the odds were stacked against COP29 from the start.

The central challenge was finance – how much wealthy nations would pay, and which countries would contribute, to fund developing nations’ clean energy transition and climate disaster response. While previous UN climate summits focused on emissions targets and scientific goals, COP29 marked the first head-on negotiations over funding commitments, making it one of the hardest talks since the Paris Agreement was signed in 2015 in the eyes of veteran negotiators.

With climate change accelerating beyond scientists’ projections – driving global temperatures past 1.5°C for the first time, creating unending droughts in the Horn of Africa, devastating storms in the Caribbean, and floods displacing hundreds of thousands across South Asia – the talks forged ahead.

Debating the ‘quantum’

For two weeks, negotiators from over 200 countries debated the “quantum” – UN-speak for the new climate finance goal under the Paris Agreement – a term borrowed from physics where it describes the smallest possible unit of energy.

As negotiations unfolded, developing nations found “quantum” was darkly fitting: while its original Latin meaning asks “how much?”, wealthy nations’ proposed climate finance matched its scientific definition – the smallest amount possible.

Hours before the final gavel landed early Sunday morning, the entire process appeared on the brink of collapse. It had taken developed countries until the final day of the two-week summit to put their first number on the table – $250 billion per year by 2035.

The outrage from developing countries over the offer was swift. Representatives from small island nations, already watching their homelands disappear beneath rising seas, called it a “death sentence.” Civil society actors described it in terms ranging from “an absolute embarrassment” to “a cruel joke.”

Developing countries, who formed a united front at COP29, demanded a minimum of $1.3 trillion annually to assist countries’ transition away from fossil fuels, adapt to climate impacts, and recover from mounting damages they did little to cause. The figure, based on analysis presented at the summit by independent economists commissioned by previous COP presidencies, was far below what civil society groups demanded, arguing true climate reparations would cost between $5-7 trillion annually.

The final agreement, struck 24 hours after developing nations fiercely rejected the initial offer, barely moved: $300 billion per year by 2035, with the $1.3 trillion acknowledged only as an aspirational target.

COP29 President Mukhtar Babayev hailed it as a breakthrough that would “turn billions into trillions,” while UN climate chief Simon Stiell called it “an insurance policy for humanity” – but only if “premiums are paid in full, and on time.”

“No country got everything they wanted, and we leave Baku with a mountain of work to do,” said Stiell. “The UN Paris Agreement is humanity’s life-raft; there is nothing else.”

‘Betrayal’

June floods in Pakistan killed 1,717. The health impacts of the devastation are still unfolding.

The $300 billion offered to developing nations represents just 4% of global fossil fuel subsidies, which the International Monetary Fund estimates at $7 trillion. It is less than Apple’s 2023 revenue of $383 billion and roughly a third of the US military’s yearly budget. Fossil fuel companies have reaped $1 trillion in annual profits for half a century for extracting the oil, coal and gas fuelling the climate crisis.

“The gavel was hit way too fast and our heart goes out to all those nations that feel like they were walked over,” said Juan Carlos Monterrey Gómez, Panama’s special representative for climate change. “Developed nations always throw text at us at the last minute, shove it down our throat, and then, for the sake of multilateralism, we always have to accept it, otherwise the climate mechanisms will go into a horrible downward spiral, and no one needs that.”

The decade-long timeline for reaching even this modest goal raised concerns, given that the previous $100 billion annual target, set in 2009, was only met last year.

“This outcome is a travesty,” declared the least developed countries (LDC) negotiating bloc, which represents 45 nations and 1.1 billion people. “It sacrifices the needs of the world’s poorest and most vulnerable to protect the narrow interests of those who created this crisis.”

The world’s 46 least-developed countries, home to about 14% of the global population, contribute less than 1% of global emissions. The African continent, with 17% of the world’s population, accounts for just 4%.

“That the developed countries are saying that they are taking the lead with $300 billion by 2035 is a joke,” Mkiruka Maduekwe, Nigeria’s special envoy on climate change, said following the deal. “Let us tell ourselves the truth. It is 3am, and we’re going to clap our hands and say this is what we’re going to do? I don’t think so. We do not accept this.”

India’s lead negotiator, Chandni Raina, criticized the outcome as “abysmally poor,” calling the Baku deal “nothing more than an optical illusion.”

“This, in our opinion, will not address the enormity of the challenge we all face,” Raina said, with rousing applause from delegates in the room. “This has been stage-managed. We are extremely disappointed … [and] oppose the adoption of this document.”

The final text offered only to “note with concern the gap between climate finance flows and needs.” For vulnerable nations, this diplomatic language has run its course.

“We leave Baku without an ambitious climate finance goal, without concrete plans to limit global temperature rise to 1.5°C, and without the comprehensive support desperately needed for adaptation and loss and damage,” the LDC bloc said. “This is not just a failure; it is a betrayal.”

Objects in the future may be smaller than they appear

The Azerbaijani Presidency of COP29 centred the aspiration $1.3 trillion in their communications after the summit.

While the headline figure amounts to a tripling of climate finance – far short of developing nations’ request for 13 times the current amount – the true value of this pledge will be substantially lower when the full bill comes due in 2035.

Climate finance, it turns out, faces the same economic headwinds affecting households worldwide: debt, loans, interest rates and inflation. Combined, these factors have led some observers to view the deal as effectively a step backwards.

Inflation presents the first challenge. When accounting for expected price increases by 2035, the $300 billion target’s real value shrinks considerably. At typical inflation rates, it would be equivalent to roughly $230 billion today – closer to doubling rather than tripling the previous $100 billion goal set in 2009.

The $100 billion finance goal set in 2009 was not indexed to inflation, and developed countries at the negotiations made clear the new target would follow the same approach. 

Debt servicing costs were 20% higher than total energy investment in Africa between 2014 and 2022, according to the IAEA.

The agreement also sidesteps the critical issue of debt as climate change’s financial impacts continue to compound. As storms intensify, droughts lengthen, and countries struggle to repay loans from consecutive recovery efforts from increasingly extreme disasters, developing nations face an ever-deepening climate-driven financial trap.

Vulnerable countries borrow for disaster recovery, face higher interest rates, and lose the capacity to invest in climate resilience, making them more vulnerable to future disasters – a “vicious circle of climate and debt,” according to an expert review released last month.

“Those who are experiencing the worst climate impacts, and contributed the least to the crisis, are paying a double price,” said Sonia Kwami, a lead campaigner at African environmental group 350.org. “Not only is climate change on their doorsteps, but they are also faced with burdensome debts, interest rates, and transition costs that rich countries have evaded for far too long, through an unjust financial system.”

The final text eliminated a clause from earlier drafts requiring at least 50% of finance to be debt-free – a proportion already considered insufficient by developing nations, many facing their worst debt crises in decades. Over three billion people today live in nations spending more on debt financing than education and health budgets combined, according to UN figures.

Do loans count?

The Baku agreement left another critical question unresolved in the debt debate: whether loans should count equally with grants toward meeting the climate finance target. This ambiguity leaves the door open for loans to continue dominating climate finance, despite developing nations’ calls for debt-free support. Some countries heavily favor this approach – France, for instance, provides 86% of its climate finance through loans.

This creates significant discrepancies in accounting. Current climate finance flows measure between $28 billion according to Oxfam, which excludes loans from its calculations, and $116 billion by OECD figures, which count loans equally with grants.

Loans currently make up two-thirds of climate finance for the Global South. If this pattern continues, approximately $200 billion of the new annual target would come in the form of loans – which developing countries argue perpetuates rather than solves their financial challenges.

“COP29 has been a disaster for the developing world,” said Mohammed Adow, director of the climate think tank Power Shift Africa. “It’s a betrayal of both people and planet, by wealthy countries who claim to take climate change seriously.”

‘Some Rich Nations’

The Baku climate deal also leaves unresolved a question that has gained increasing urgency as UN climate talks shift from emissions pledges to financial commitments: who pays?

Countries classified as donors under the UN climate convention, known as “Annex I” countries, comprise about two dozen industrialized nations, including the US, European nations, and Canada. This roster stems from the economic landscape of 1992, when UN climate talks began.

The world’s economic and emissions realities have changed dramatically since. When these categories were drawn, China’s cumulative CO2 emissions were less than half of the European Union’s. Today, China has surpassed the EU in historical emissions while becoming the world’s second-largest economy. Oil-rich nations like Russia and Gulf states have also grown both their wealth and carbon footprints significantly.

This shift has created a paradox at the negotiating table. The EU now finds itself responsible for a smaller share of historical emissions than China while facing pressure to provide more finance. Early drafts of the Baku text proposed expanding the donor list to include wealthy nations like Singapore, China, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, and the UAE. That language was quietly dropped.

The final agreement keeps these nations out of the line of fire. It does not require contributions from China, Russia or Gulf nations – they instead fall in the voluntary category.

Political earthquake

The money problem was further complicated by the political earthquake in the US this month, which loomed over the talks from the get-go. Donald Trump’s return to the presidency in January, along with promises to again withdraw from the Paris Agreement, made current US commitments effectively moot.

The absence of both the world’s largest historical polluter and its biggest economy, the US, alongside its largest current emitter and second-biggest economy, China, creates a massive hole in the global climate finance deal struck in Baku, leaving a small pool of donor countries attempting to shoulder a burden that economists say requires far broader participation.

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock captured the EU’s frustration: “We are in the midst of a geopolitical power play by a few fossil fuel states. Their playing board is the backs of the poorest and most vulnerable countries.”

“What we are seeing here is the last stand by the old fossil fuel world,” Baerbock said, stating that the EU was increasing its financing commitments through 2035. “We are living up to our responsibilities, including as historical CO2 emitters.”

While developed nations point to budgets stretched by war, COVID-19, and inflation, critics question why governments can find money for military spending but not climate action, and why fossil fuel subsidies persist while green energy funding lags.

As promised climate finance from wealthy nations fails to materialise, developing nations are already committing significant portions of their limited budgets to this fight, spending $1 trillion annually from their own resources on adaptation and disaster recovery, according to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

“Developing countries are actually investing hundreds of billions of dollars a year already from their own taxpayers’ revenue,” UNDP chief Achim Steiner told the Guardian this week. “It wouldn’t hurt or harm anyone on the other side of the table to acknowledge that.”

‘Collective amnesia’ on fossil fuels

Following a historic agreement to transition away from fossil fuels a year ago, Baku’s outcome fell silent on the hydrocarbons at the root of the climate crisis.

Just one year after a historic agreement to “transition away from fossil fuels” at Dubai’s COP28, the Baku summit failed to reaffirm that commitment.

The setback comes as 2024 is on track to be the warmest year on record with temperatures temporarily breaching 1.5°C of warming for the first time, and the world tracks toward 3.1°C of heating by century’s end, far exceeding the Paris Agreement’s targets. Scientists warn such warming would trigger catastrophic climate impacts.

“The world made a deal at COP28 to end the fossil fuel era. Now, at COP29, countries seem to have been struck with collective amnesia,” said Shady Khalil, Oil Change International Global Policy Senior Strategist. “With each new iteration of the texts, oil and gas producers managed to dilute the urgent commitment.”

Swiss representatives complained that the draft text had been so “watered down” as to effectively “backtrack from the commitments taken last year.” 

Saudi Arabia, long known as a “wrecking ball” at UN climate negotiations, vocally opposed any document that mentioned fossil fuels in Baku: “The Arab group will not accept any text that targets any specific sectors, including fossil fuels.” 

The fossil fuel industry’s influence was evident throughout the talks. At least 1,773 fossil fuel lobbyists received access to the COP29 summit, according to analysis from the Kick Big Polluters Out coalition. This contingent outnumbered the combined delegations from the ten most climate-vulnerable nations, which totaled 1,033 representatives.

Only three delegations were larger: host country Azerbaijan with 2,229 representatives, next year’s host Brazil with 1,914, and Turkey with 1,862.

Small islands’ voices drown

For small island nations watching their territories disappear beneath rising seas, the stakes of climate negotiations are existential. Many are already losing land to flooding, with some Pacific islands projected to become uninhabitable within decades.

Ahead of the summit, Papua New Guinea’s foreign minister, Justin Tkatchenko, explained his country’s decision to stay away, calling COP29 a “total waste of time” that would produce “no tangible results for small island states.” By the summit’s end, the voices of island nations that made the journey to Baku were drowned out in the rush to reach a deal.

Island countries on the frontlines of the climate crisis, which receive just 1% of current climate finance, had requested dedicated funding to help them access climate finance – a critical need for small states that lack the capacity to navigate complex application processes that often see climate aid flow to better-resourced middle-income nations. Instead, even these minimum allocations were stripped from the final text.

“We had more hope that the process would protect the interests of the most vulnerable and those with the least capacity,” the Alliance of Small Island States, representing 44 low-lying and coastal nations, said in their closing statement. said in their closing statement. “The level of ambition for taking climate action needs to be much, much higher.”

For these disappearing nations, the UN climate talks, however flawed, remain the only path to advocate for their survival. With no other global forum to turn to, they must continue fighting through a process that keeps forgetting them — even as waters continue to rise.”

Image Credits: OXFAM.

Checking wastewater for poliovirus in Malawi. Sewage-based surveillance, long key to polio elimination, is now being explored for a widening array of diseases.

A method that first developed around polio elimination and matured during the COVID pandemic, is now being tested and used to track a much wider array of emerging disease threats. A unique symposium of scientists and public health experts at the Paris Sorbonne University last week looked at its promise and potential. 

In April 2020, French researchers at the Sorbonne and the Obepine research network,  [Observatoire Epidémiologique dans les Eaux Usées] realized that they could get an “early signal” of the trajectory of COVID-19 case incidence through wastewater surveillance. They began routine monitoring of some 200 large wastewater plants – an initiative that became a trend-setter in Europe and worldwide. 

Wastewater-based surveillance has long been used to track polio as well as a handful of other deadly, waterborne diseases, such as cholera and typhoid. However, the COVID-19 pandemic proved to be a turning point in wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE) – popularizing the method and introducing it to the mainstream of national surveillance programmes. 

Last week, a unique symposium at the Sorbonne University brought together about four dozen scientists from around the world to explore the approach, its challenges and potential to track other diseases beyond COVID, which can also circulate silently under the radar for weeks or months, before symptomatic cases begin to appear in human populations. 

The conference was led by the Sorbonne and Obepine with the 4EU+ university alliance, and the University of Paris-Pantheon, as well as the World Health Organization and the Geneva Health Forum (GHF). 

The conference is part of a series of symposiums developed in collaboration with the WHO on “lessons learnt from the COVID-19 Pandemic,” said Dr Antoine Flahault, director of the University of Geneva’s Global Health Institute and GHF chair. The first such conference Bern in 2023, addressed indoor air pollution; a third session is planned on drug and vaccine development.    

Dutch and French researchers developed first data on wastewater SARS-CoV2 concentrations and COVID disease

Dr Vincent Marechal, professor of virology at the Sorbonne.

“The first data showing that SARS CoV2 levels in wastewater was related to COVID incidence rates in the population came from France and the Netherlands,” said Sorbonne virologist, Dr Vincent Marechal, who led the pioneering French research with the Obepine surveillance network

“We need to learn the lessons about what was done during the COVID 19 pandemic… to inform policies,” he said, discussing the goals of the event with Health Policy Watch.  

“We need to normalize the way to do analyses, to treat data. And we need ways to transfer these technologies to low and middle-income countries (LMICs),” he said.

“Although we are aware that this strategy cannot be used for all infections, the benefit/cost ratio is remarkable, particularly for detecting and monitoring epidemics in countries that do not have the logistical or economic means to carry out individual epidemiological monitoring of their populations.”

Roots in polio elimination – SARS-CoV2 pandemic triggered an explosion of interest

“Swabbing” a sewage bore at an Israeli beach to check for SARS-CoV2 variants in 2022 at the height of the wave of the Omicron variant of COVID-19.

It’s a method that has been around for nearly a century – ever since the Yale University researcher Dr John Paul first documented the presence of poliovirus in sewage in Charleston, South Carolina in 1939. 

At the start of the global polio elimination campaign, monitoring wastewater for poliovirus gained traction as a way to identify the presence of virus early on. It was particularly effective since even among the vaccinated, symptomatic cases only occur in 1 out of every 200 people.  Use gradually expanded to include other deadly diseases, such as cholera and typhoid.

Following their 2020 identification of the link between COVID-19 incidence and wastewater concentrations of SARS-CoV2, the Obepine network spent two years monitoring the 200 French wastewater plants providing a regular data flow on the ebb and flow of the disease and its variants to the national and local governments, as well as to the public. 

The initiative, under the auspices of the French Ministry of Research and Innovation and the Ministry of Health, eventually became flagships in a broader EU-wide effort to monitor wastewater during the pandemic period. 

“Just one month of wastewater monitoring, covering about 40% of the population, and producing an incidence curve for the whole population, cost about €300,000,” Marechal remarked in a post-conference interview with Health Policy Watch. “In comparison population-based monitoring would have cost about €1.6 billion over the same period.” 

Post-pandemic, France’s own wastewater surveillance of COVID continues, but it has been taken over by the French Ministry of Health’s Sum’eau network, which is only monitoring about 54 wastewater plants. That, in Marechal’s view, is too small a sample from which to draw robust conclusions about COVID or to track prevalence of other new infections of concern like the mpox virus.

“In our case, the Health Ministry said that we should be doing research, while they took over the more routine monitoring function,” he said. “Although in my opinion, it is a mistake to split these two functions.”

Method still being used widely for COVID tracking 

Countries with wastewater monitoring of SARS-CoV2 at institutional or national level.

Elsewhere in  Europe and beyond, institutions in dozens of countries continue to track SARS-CoV2 in wastewater samples  – albeit with varying degrees of intensity and a diversity of scientific and institutional approaches. 

There are at least a few testing sites in most major countries of Europe, Asia and the Americas, a handful of African nations and Saudi Arabia. About 31 countries, mostly in Europe and North America, but also including Turkey and India, publicly report data, according to a WHO dashboard that follows trends in wastewater surveillance. 

And a detailed WHO technical guidance explains how to conduct wastewater surveys – although ‘guidance’ in WHO parlance is not a formal “guideline” that sets an international standard.  

It’s not surprising that such monitoring, to date, is the most common in middle- and high-income settings, where formal wastewater treatment systems made sampling easy, said Marechal. 

But in the same way that the method has been used to track polio, typhoid and cholera, it’s important to develop cost-effective methods whereby the science of wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE)  can be effectively deployed for more endemic and emerging diseases in developing countries.

What pathogens can be monitored most easily? 

Mpox wastewater surveillance in the USA in October-November 2024.

Post-Covid, mpox is another virus that became the focus of significant WBE tracking in developed countries such as Canada.  Gastro-intestinal viruses, such as noroviruses or rotaviruses are among those other pathogens that can be easily monitored in wastewater, Marechal said. 

“It also works for most major flu viruses, flu A, B, RSV (respiratory syncytial virus), and it can be used for AMR (anti microbial resistance),” Marechal added. 

While flu is not necessarily as deadly, an “early signal” about prevalence from wastewater can alert doctors about the onset of flu season, who then may be quicker to examine and diagnose the virus in their patients, he pointed out. Even more significantly, such a system can also provide critical signals early on of a flu epidemic or pandemic. 

There is also promise that measles outbreaks might be identifiable early through wastewater samples, he said. Although the science around that is not yet well developed, his team of  researchers have obtained promising results in the context of an ongoing study with the Institut Pasteur in Guinea. 

“A field that is much more difficult, arboviruses, dengue, zika, and chikungunya,” Marechal observed. While the surge in dengue virus makes this a worldwide concern, there are challenges in monitoring through wastewater because “the amount of viruses excreted is much lower than flu or COVID.” 

Deadly endemic diseases such as marburg virus and Ebola also pose special challenges. These viruses may first spread in more isolated rural areas of low-income countries where wastewater is not collected in large concentrations. Also, both marburg and Ebola are highly symptomatic in those infected, so the contribution that wastewater detection may make to early detection and tracking is comparatively lower, than, say polio.  

Applications in low- and middle-income countries  

Nicholas Grassly: strong correlations found between clinical typhoid case incidence and concentrations of s. typhi bacteria in wastewaters in Malawi and India (slide).

While not used routinely in low- and middle-income countries, wastewater monitoring of diseases has paid big dividends in the global polio elimination campaign, where only one in every 200 cases is symptomatic and the costs of human, blood-based screening would be exorbitant.  

Wastewater monitoring was dubbed the “silent hero” that helped public health officials track and ultimately halt a 2021-22 outbreak of wild poliovirus type1 in Malawi and Mozambique, triggered by a strain imported from Pakistan. 

More recently, a polio outbreak in war-torn Gaza was first identified through wastewater samples in mid-July, leading to the launch of a massive vaccine booster campaign. 

“The value of wastewater surveillance….is highlighted by the investments made by the Global Polio Eradication Campaign program and WHO, and there are now thousands of sites where wastewater science is conducted for poliovirus, often from informal surge networks,” said Nicholas Grassly of Imperial College, London. 

For typhoid, as well, the use of such informal networks has been “really key,” Grassly said, because of the close correlation between wastewater levels of the virus and human cases.

A. shows typhoid incidence using hospital reported cases. B. shows case incidence including wastewater surveillance around 3 primary health centres.

In addition, blood-based surveillance of typhoid in the kinds of low-income settings where it typically occurs is very limited. Linked to that, the uptake of typhoid vaccines has been slow, he said.  

“So the question here is, can we use wastewater detection of Salmonella typhi (typhoid bacteria) to motivate and monitor the introduction of typhoid conjugate vaccines, having to sample from informal sewage networks, drainage channels, rivers? 

“It’s a very different system to what we would have in a high income country, but it is possible, and what we’re seeing is that the emergence of data to show that the prevalence of detection of salmonella type in the environment does correlate with clinical incidence of disease.”

Moving ahead, WBE-based sampling to identify the spillover of zoonotic diseases into human populations, early on, as well as pockets of drug resistant pathogens also hold great potential for low- and middle income settings  – where both risks are growing, often without adequate surveillance, conference panelists also noted.

“Antimicrobial resistance is one of the major, if not the major, pandemic disease that we have now affecting global health, while wastewater monitoring is probably one of the most appropriate and efficient ways to cope with this problem,” remarked Alfonos Zecconi, of the University of Milan. 

Alfonos Zecconi, of the University of Milan discusses the role of wastewater in the spread of drug resistant pathogens.

Surveillance for zoonotic spillover, meanwhile, is the focus of a new grant by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation in Africa and Asia, Grassly said. Their grant will support the piloting of methods for early detection of zoonotic infections in human wastewater.  

“Can we use waste water surveillance to estimate the extent of zoonotic infection and associated risk factors and look for evidence of human transmission and genetic adaptation – potentially providing an early warning of threats?” Grassly asked. 

“If we can do that, then we can implement risk mitigation activities, not only in public health, but across sectors, and also start to develop those medical countermeasures that we might need, including vaccines and diagnostics.” 

Brazil: standardizing a diagnostic ‘kit’ for wastewater surveillance 

Brazi’s Maria Aguiar Oliveira (center microphone): rolling out standardized WBE testing methods.

Beyond the research questions, rolling out surveillance methods more widely  involves numerous challenges for LMICs, even in countries such as Brazil with a strong research tradition and considerable experience in waste water testing,  said Maria Aguiar Oliveira, of the Fiocruz Institute. 

Fiocruz is working with the Ministry of Health to establish formal guidelines for wastewater surveillance, which would be integrated into the existing National Public Health Laboratory Network. 

Fiocruz also is developing a standardized diagnostic kid for wastewater sampling of viral  pathogen samples so that results from different testing sites are comparable.

“One of the biggest challenges is how to compare the results because everywhere, each group is using a different target, different sampling and so on,” Aguiar Oliveira observed, noting that wastewater sampling also requires entirely different tools and targets, as compared to diagnostics for human populations. 

“We have been designing and validating a kit, a molecular panel, and the idea is from viral concentration to viral detection to have the single product that we can scale up in a very reasonable price to all of our networks – because we are a nonprofit public institution.”

Such harmonization of best practices in sampling and analysis can both improve the reliability of results – as well as bringing costs down making the technique even more accessible, pointed out Marechal. 

“We need to normalize the way to make analyses, to treat data,” he said. “We can find money to set up research projects. What we need is money for sustainable monitoring, for years on end,” he says.

“Efforts must be made to produce high-quality, standardized data that can be integrated into robust epidemiological models with dynamic mapping of outbreaks. This is essential if we are to have early warning systems, and if we are to detect changes in the trajectory of an epidemic, upwards or downwards, as quickly as possible.”

Who owns sewage? 

Who owns sewage – much of it flowing untreated into the wild?

Along with the technical and cost issues, key questions of public trust, individuals’ right to privacy and data ownership also shadow WBE research. 

The thorny dilemmas are illustrated by one study in Missouri, which tracked a novel SARS spike sequence variant to a commercial building of just 30 people in the period of January 2022-23, notes Marechal. 

“The mutations in the spike gene and elsewhere resembled those subsequently found in omicron variants,” reports the paper by researchers at the Universities of Missouri and Wisconsin, published in Lancet Microbe in April 2024. 

In that case, the pinpointing of the variant to just one building did not lead to any particular policy action – but what if an even more dangerous virus had been found in wastewater in the same location?  

“The question is twofold,” said Marechal.  “Would you even be allowed to do that in France – I’m not sure.  And if you did, while it was not the case in Missouri, are you allowed to impose lockdowns or individual confinements as a result? This example prompts a lot of reflection on the legal and ethical framework for WBE work.” 

While emerging diseases may also flourish in marginalized communities with less access to hygiene, sanitation and healthcare, the rights of religious and ethnic minorities, migrants and people with diverse sexual orientations also must be respected, underlined Jean Baptiste Guyonnet, of Panthéon Assas University.

So action on a disease risk discovered through wastewater data would be carefully evaluated through the lens of the “proportionality” of the risk versus any measures that might be considered, and the harm they could do to those communities.  

Building trust 

But the best way to minimize ethical risk is by partnering directly with the affected community, stressed Talia Glickman, of the Canadian Water Network, “for a community informed, if not a community led response.”  

She cited one example from Canada’s Ontario Province response to the global mpox outbreak of 2022-2023 – which WHO had declared a global health emergency and hit hardest a men having sex with men. 

When provincial authorities decided to start monitoring wastewater for mpox infections in mid-2022, they reached out to the Gay Men’s Sexual Health Alliance (GMSH). 

“In particular with mpox being monitored in the wastewater, there was a need to discuss the communication of potentially sensitive data and what those impacts would be on this particular equity deserving population,” said Glickman. “As we all know, there were a lot of uncomfortable parallels to early days of the HIV pandemic…. And so the GMSH were able to coordinate regular meetings between community-based organizations, public health authorities, researchers and policymakers, which helped ensure timely feedback and collaboration.

“The bottom line is that moral obligation, I think when you’re collecting that data, you have an obligation to communicate it back to the affected communities,” Glickman said. 

“This sort of cross sector coordination… improved the speed, the quality of the response, and it made Ontario’s response to mpox one of the most effective mpox responses in the world…. And it provides a great example of integrating all those activities into wastewater monitoring.”

Ethical research principles offer good guidance 

United States law doesn’t require, or prohibit, very much in terms of research on wastewater, added Natalie Ram, of the University of Maryland. 

However, researchers funded by the federal government are entitled to special legal protections that allow them to protect the confidentiality of their research subjects or related data – e.g. say from law enforcement.  

“But ethical practice can impose a much better guiding framework,” added Ram. “Public health only works when we have public trust. And so public trust is a necessary predicate for successful monitoring and implementation, uptake of community responses. 

“Wastewater surveillance gives us a lot of raw data, and we might not need people’s consent to get it right, but if you want to use it ethically, as we heard earlier this morning, you’ve got to have a plan for what to do with that data. And if you go to the community and say, oh, we’ve been spying on your wastewater all of this time, surprise, now go get a vaccine, that’s not going to go very well. You have to have buy-in from the community, and support. 

“And that gets all the more important as the watersheds get smaller because then they can become very population specific. 

Integrating into policy decision-making 

Chikwe Ihekweazu, WHO’s ADG for Health Emergency Intelligence and Surveillance lays out WHO’s pandemic preparedness and response policies, related to WBE.

Amidst this plethora of legal and ethical questions, WHO has not been in a rush to set down strict, prescriptive guidelines on exactly how countries should manage wastewater surveillance. 

Part of that is likely related to the unsettled legal issues around privacy and the ownership of data on wastewater pathogens – which so far lacks a global standard of consensus upon which WHO could build a guideline standard. 

But that also reflects the changing role of WHO in the global health scene, said Dr Chikwe Ihekweazu, WHO’s assistant director general for Health Emergency Intelligence and Surveillance Systems, at a closing session of the Paris event. 

“Thirty years ago, …the world would wait for WHO to come up with guidance, and everyone would be paralyzed until it does,” Ihekweazu observed.

So now we’re in a different world; when there’s an opportunity, there are lots of initiatives driving it forward, and our role is changing. We have to think together, and respect the opportunity that academia provides, digital surveillance systems offer, countries offer, regional bodies offer, financing bodies offer, philanthropic organizations offer, and see how we can make the best use of the various skills, resources and expertise that we all bring to the table. 

So …it’s a good problem to have. We’re not in a position of absolute scarcity; we have a problem of making the most efficient use of the expertise and resources that we all bring to the table. And it’s a humbling position to be in, and maybe that’s why this meeting is so important with the players in the room.

Image Credits: WHO , Kando , Naughton et al, January 2023, US CDC Mpox wastewater data, Uzzell et al, 2024/PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases, Eric Comte, The Rivers Trust , Eric Comte .

WHO Director-General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (left), President of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (centre) and Brazil’s Minister of Health Nísia Trindade (right).

The World Health Organization (WHO) received $1.7 billion in new pledges of financial support at the G20 meeting this week, taking the total of voluntary pledges so far to $3.8 billion for the coming four years. With this, the WHO has met 53% of its investment requirement for its 2025–2028 strategy, in WHO parlance, the 14th General Programme of Work (GPW 14).

Australia, Indonesia, Spain and the United Kingdom were among the G20 countries to make the largest pledges at the leaders’ summit in Rio de Janeiro, chaired by Brazil’s President H.E. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

They committed $410 million, $300 million, $620 million and $392 million respectively.

The G20 group includes all of the world’s biggest economies, including the United States and Canada, the European Union, the African Union, Japan and Australia, as well as Brazil, China, South Africa and India. Together the group accounts for 85% of the world’s GDP, making it a strong economic and trade group.

Notably, several other large G20 members such as France and Canada have not yet made commitments to the WHO “Investment Round” – nor has the United States, where support for the global health agency by the incoming administration of President-elect Donald Trump remains uncertain, following his withdrawal from the organization altogether in 2020, during his last term as president.

WHO aims to recruit large, multi-year commitments

 The new WHO donor strategy aims to stabilize the organization’s funding but collecting large, multi-year donations from member states in the form of “undesignated” funds, rather than as piecemeal contributions to various programmes and activities. Voluntary funding made up about 87% of WHO’s budget in 2022-23, and is thus a critical element alongside required member state assessments. Those have comprised only about 20% of the WHO budget in the past decade, although the World Health Assembly in 2022 voted to gradually boost assessments so that 50% of the WHO budget would be derived from member state fees by 2030.

But voluntary donations will continue to be critical, and so WHO officials launched the “investment round” as a new approach to voluntary fundraising – roughly modeled on the more high-profile, high-prestige “replenishment drives” staged by organizations such as The Global Fund.

“The WHO Investment Round is about mobilizing the predictable, flexible funding WHO needs to save lives, prevent disease and make the world a healthier and safer place,” said WHO Director General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus in a statement, welcoming the new contributions.

South Africa, which will host the next G20 summit, will be carrying the baton for sustainable financing for WHO forward, Tedros added.

G20 support for WHO’s Investment Round 

The support of the G20 for WHO was reflected in the final  Leaders’ Declaration issued at the close of this week’s summit. “We reiterate the central coordinating role of the WHO in the global health architecture, supported by adequate, predictable, transparent, flexible and sustainable financing. We support the conducting of the WHO Investment Round as an additional measure for financing the WHO activities,” the declaration stated.

Other funding events in Europe and Asia have yielded another $2.1 billion making up the $3.8 billion total for the next four years. This represents about 53% of the US$ 7.1 billion in funding WHO needs to fill out its $11.15 billion budget plan, after assessed member state contributions are counted.

See related story: WHO Secures $1 Billion at First European Investment Round

WHO said this year’s investment round initiatives, which have focused on large regional events or global gatherings like the G20, have successfully increased predictability as compared to 2020 when WHO had only 17% of funding secured for its previous strategy.

All in all, since the funding drive was launched in May, here have been 70 new pledges from Member States, and philanthropic and private sector donors, 39 of which are contributing voluntary funds for the first time. This is making WHO’s funding more diversified.

Seven of these new donors are low-income countries and 21 are middle-income countries, representing a shift in WHO’s funding base. Forty-six donors have so far pledged more flexible funding, compared to 35 in the last four years, increasing the ability of WHO to use the funds where they are most needed.

The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Wellcome Trust, Islamic Development Bank, and Africa Development Bank are among the leading non-state donors.

Improvement in Financial Stability for WHO

WHO has projected that its new strategy, GPW14 can save an additional 40 million lives over the next four years. The investment round was aiming to shift WHO’s funding model so that it is more predictable, flexible and resilient, and it appears to have succeeded in doing that.

During the COVID pandemic, WHO was criticized for its heavy reliance on funding from the Gates Foundation. Countries like the United States accused WHO of going soft on China.

The Investment Round thus was aimed to broaden WHO donor base to reduce its reliance on a few donors and keep its agenda independent.

WHO estimates that the strategy for the years 2025-28 will save 40 million lives.

“The World Health Organization represents humanity’s greatest ideals. Investment over the next four years will be repaid many times over in well-being gained. It will set the foundation for future generations,” said Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

“We are proud to carry the baton on from Brazil and continue to spotlight the importance of WHO and the need for sustainable financing towards the goal of health for all,” said Cyril Ramaphosa, President of South Africa, which will hold the G20 Presidency in 2025.

Image Credits: PAHO/WHO/Karina Zambrana, WHO.

The WHO chief was in Rio to attend the G20 summit.

The director-general of the World Health Organization, Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, is “back to work” following an overnight stay in a Rio hospital during his trip to the G20 summit, the WHO chief said Thursday.

The reason for the hospital visit, first reported by the Brazilian paper O Globo, was not disclosed in a statement by the hospital, although media reports cited symptoms of hypertension and labyrinthitis (inner ear infection causing vertigo) as causes for the hospitalization.

“The patient spent the night under observation, underwent all the necessary examinations, which found clinical indicators with no signs of infection,” said Samaritano Hospital, located in a western district of Rio.

“I was discharged this morning and am back to work,” Tedros said in a post on X. “My heartfelt gratitude to the healthcare workers for their outstanding service.”

Tedros, 59, was first attended to on-site Monday at the G20 meeting, a forum of the world’s largest economies, following signs of hypertension but was still able to deliver his speech to world leaders.

He was in Rio attending the G20 summit alongside other G20 and world leaders including UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, US President Joe Biden, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and European Union representatives.

“Please take care of your health,” Tedros said.

The sun sets over UN climate negotiations in Baku as hopes of a historic deal on climate finance fade in the summit’s final hours.

With only hours remaining on the clock at UN climate negotiations in Baku, talks are at risk of collapse as nations remain divided over where to find the money developing countries need to respond to the crisis.

Well before the summit began two weeks ago, it was clear that success at COP29 hinged on nations reaching an agreement on difficult questions: who will pay for climate finance, how much, and what types of funding count toward global finance targets?

Following last year’s landmark deal in Dubai to “transition away” from fossil fuels, the climate fight has shifted to securing the money to make that global transition possible.

Independent economists told negotiators this week that developing nations need at least $1.3 trillion per year to adapt to climate impacts and fund recovery efforts. Civil society groups pushed for a higher floor, demanding up to $5 trillion annually during the Baku talks.

As hopes rose ahead of the Friday deadline that countries would move towards compromise, negotiations instead began backsliding on Thursday when Azerbaijan, the summit’s host and president, released a decision text that failed to bridge the divide between wealthy and developing nations.

“The new finance text presents two extreme ends of the aisle without much in between,” said Li Shuo, a climate expert at the Asia Society Policy Institute. “We are far from the finish line.”

The Azerbaijani presidency’s core task of finding common ground appeared to falter as the text presented two opposing positions that had been clear since the talks began: developing nations demanding trillions per year in public grants, and wealthy nations offering hundreds of billions, insisting private investment and carbon markets must count toward the total.

Neither choice specifies actual funding figures, using “X” placeholders where funding numbers should be.

“This is the ‘finance COP’. We came here to talk about money. The way you measure money is with numbers,” said Mohammed Adow, director of the think tank Power Shift Africa. “We need a cheque but all we have right now is a blank piece of paper.”

Leadership vacuum

In nearly three decades of UN climate talks, Azerbaijan had never taken a leading role, until hosting this year’s summit. Now tasked with brokering a deal, the presidency’s inexperience threatens to derail the talks, drawing rare direct fire from veteran negotiators.

“We are confronted with a text on finance that is laid out to divide us, exactly at a time when the presidency should be working to unite us,” said German climate envoy Jennifer Morgan.

“The presidency has not delivered as we had expected,” Morgan added. “Instead of bridging divides, we see extreme positions.”

EU climate chief Woepke Hoekstra told reporters the text was “unacceptable.”

“There is not a single ambitious country who thinks this is nearly good enough,” Hoekstra said.

“We have two options,” said Andreas Sieber, Associate Director of Global Policy and Campaigns at African environmental group 350.org.

“One says there will be a core of money in grants in the scale of trillions,” Sieber said. “The other one doesn’t, and therefore doesn’t count as a viable option for real climate action.”

Overtime Ahead

COP 29 in Baku, Azerbaijan

While negotiations are slated to end Friday, veterans of UN climate summits are bracing for talks to extend well into the weekend.

The last time a major climate conference collapsed was COP6 in The Hague in 2000 although COP15 in Copenhagen in 2009 was also a major disappointment at the time, with no clear pathway for binding commitments on reducing emissions. But a more recent parallel emerged just 19 days ago, when UN biodiversity talks in Cali, Colombia, fell apart over similar finance disputes.

While the Conference of the Parties of the Convention on Biodiversity (COP16) struggled in Cali for two weeks over funding disagreements, talks ultimately had to stop when several developing nations’ delegations were forced to return home, unable to afford rebooking flights and extended hotel stays in Colombia. Without enough countries present to make decisions, negotiations over critical outcomes collapsed – laying bare the fundamental inequality at these summits.

If COP29 collapses, it would mark the failure of two consecutive UN environmental summits – which had been widely anticipated as watershed moments.

In comparison, both the accord on a Global Biodiversity Framework reached in Montreal in 2022, and the 2023 UN Climate Summit agreement in Dubai to “transition away” from fossil fuels dominated international headlines for weeks, with world leaders hailing them as turning points in humanity’s response to planetary environmental crises.

Current climate policies put the world on track for a 3.1°C temperature rise. The issues of ecosystem preservation that negotiated in Cali and other CBD summits also are crucial to slowing this warming, making both sets of talks interdependent.

“All of this is turning into a tragic spectacle,” Panama’s lead negotiator Juan Carlos Monterrey Gómez told Reuters. “When we get to the last minute, we always get a text that is just so weak.”

The Debt Burden

Mukhtar Babayev, who spent 26 years at Azerbaijan’s state-owned oil and gas company Socar, takes over the presidency of UN climate negotiations from Sultan Al-Jaber, CEO of the UAE’s national oil giant ADNOC.

For many developing nations, a weak deal could be worse than no deal at all.

The current text proposes that “more than 50% of climate finance” come through “non-debt instruments” – implying that up to half could still be loans.

To date, two-thirds of climate finance for the Global South has been loans, even as 60 countries face crippling debt while bearing the brunt of climate impacts.

According to the World Bank, the world’s poorest countries face the worst debt crises in decades, with over 3 billion people living in nations spending more on debt financing than education and health budgets combined, according to UN figures.

For these countries, already bearing the brunt of climate impacts, the prospect of financing an energy transition through more loans appears impossible when basic necessities like electricity, healthcare, and education remain out of reach.

“Leaving with no decision is better than a bad decision that stays with us forever,” said Uganda’s lead negotiator Bob Natifu.

Who pays?

The new text also sidesteps another contentious issue: which countries have a responsibility to pay for climate finance.

A section in the Baku text proposing to expand the list of donor countries – targeting wealthy nations like Singapore, China, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, and the UAE – has been quietly dropped.

This debate strikes at the heart of a 30-year-old framework that no longer reflects economic reality. When the UN climate convention established its categories in 1992, it split countries into donor “Annex I” nations — primarily wealthy industrialized countries — and recipient “developing” countries.

Singapore, now with one of the world’s highest per capita incomes, remains classified as “developing” alongside nations like Somalia and Haiti.

When negotiations drew these lines, China’s cumulative CO2 emissions were less than half of the European Union’s. When the Paris Agreement was signed in 2015, China still trailed the EU by 20%.

Today, China has overtaken the EU in historical emissions, according to both the UN Environment Programme and Carbon Brief analysis. This shift has become a major sticking point for EU negotiators, who now find themselves responsible for a smaller share of historical emissions than China while facing pressure to provide more finance.

While developing nations are projected to surpass wealthy countries in cumulative emissions within six years, this shift masks stark inequalities. Africa, home to 17% of the world’s population, contributes just 4% of global emissions, with the world’s 46 least developed countries collectively responsible for less than 1%.

Many nations classified as “developing” are now drawing clear distinctions between themselves and major emitters like China, currently the world’s largest polluter.

“China and India cannot be classified in the same category as Nigeria and other African countries,” Nigeria’s environment minister Balarabe Abbas Lawal told the Guardian this week.

“Those that actually deserve this support are African countries, poor Asian countries and small island states that are facing devastating climate impacts.”

G20 declaration a warning signal – no reference to transition away from fossil fuels 

The venue of COP29 in Baku, Azerbijan.

Early warning signs emerged this week when the G20’s Rio declaration omitted any reference to transitioning away from fossil fuels – language that had been supported by the group’s ministers just months earlier and formed a cornerstone of last year’s COP28 agreement in Dubai.

And while dozens of heads of state attended the G20 summit, many skipped the Baku climate talks entirely.

The G20 nations, comprising most of the world’s largest economies, responsible for around 80% of global emissions, struggled to find common ground amid escalating global tensions.

Russia, a G20 member, struck Ukraine with an intercontinental ballistic missile during the meetings. Europe verified the presence of Chinese-provided weapons among Russian troops. North Korea – a Chinese satellite state – sent troops into Ukraine as European Union nations and the United States gave the green light for long-range missiles to strike within Russian territory.

“[COP29] is a fragile enough process as it is,” one G7 negotiator in Baku told the FT. “The gradient of the climb we have this week just got steeper.”

Meanwhile, at the COP29 summit, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev has twice referred to fossil fuels as “a gift from God”. Oil comprises 90% of the country’s exports and 60% of state revenues.

The selection of Azerbaijan as host itself reflects broader regional complexities. Although this year’s climate conference was due to rotate to a European nation, Russia vetoed EU member states from hosting climate conference, leaving only Armenia or Azerbaijan as options. Armenia withdrew its bid following a prisoner exchange with Azerbaijan in December 2023, just as COP28 was concluding in Dubai.

INB co-chair Precious Matsoso, Co-Chair of INB.

CAPE TOWN – Warning that the process of negotiating a pandemic agreement has days not months left, talks co-chair Precious Matsoso hopes that a deal will finally be clinched at the next meeting of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Body (INB) in early December.

“We don’t have six months left to finish negotiations. We only have a couple of days left, precisely because the geopolitical environment is so challenging. There is huge, huge pressure on the talks and we don’t know what the outcome will be,” said Matsoso of the negotiations by World Health Organization (WHO) member states on an internationally binding accord that aims to better prepare for, and respond, to the next pandemic.

The cloud hanging over the talks is the distinct possibility that President-elect Donald Trump would pull the United States out of the negotiations, or even out of the WHO, after he takes office on 20 January.

The signals are hard to ignore in light of his decision to withdraw from the global health agency during his last term as president, as well as his recent nomination of vaccine skeptic Robert F Kennedy Jr, as secretary of Health and Human Services. The US withdrawal from the talks could set off a chain reaction from other conservative states that torpedoes the remaining goodwill among WHO member states, which must find a consensus on the text.

The talks resume on 2 December and run until 6 December with a crammed agenda dedicated to the most contentious issues: ‘One Health’ in the context of pandemic prevention, a mechanism for Pathogen Access and Benefit Sharing (PABS), and whether sharing of vaccines, medicines and therapeutics for use as comparative products in clinical trials should be voluntary or not. 

Tit-for-tat annexes

Recalling that the negotiations started in February 2022, just a day after Russia invaded Ukraine, Matsoso said she was reflecting on 1,000 days of work, which started with a blank page.

The draft agreement has been built around five areas: prevention, equity measures, health systems, financing and governance.

The Latest Draft Pandemic Agreement (15 November at 17.14 CET) shows that much of the text has already been agreed (highlighted in green) or mostly agreed (yellow).

While settling some of the contested clauses is challenging, other disagreements – like whether to use the term ”people” or “persons” – appear silly.

“Some negotiators lose touch with reality,” Matsoso admitted. “Our job is to bring them back to reality.”

The two dominant negotiating blocks – represented by the Africa Group, on the one hand, and the European Union and USA on the other – are deadlocked over Articles 4 and 5 (Prevention and One Health) and Article 12 (Pathogen Access and Benefit Sharing, or PABS).

Key outstanding substantive issues in the pandemic talks.

The Africa Group is reluctant to agree to an annex linked to Article 4 that lists countries’ responsibilities to prevent pandemics (including better surveillance of humans, animals and the environment for threatening pathogens) unless there is also an annex related to the operationalising of a system for PABS.

What the Africa Group wants from PABS is preferential access to any pandemic-related products that are developed from them sharing information about pathogens of concern.

The group is also concerned that a prevention annex could impose costly requirements that they are unable to finance. However, the first beneficiaries of prevention measures are individual countries’ citizens who would be protected by, for example, heightened surveillance of bats that harbour Ebola and Marburg.

“These two areas are the make-or-break articles of the negotiations. If we can reach agreement on these, we will make the deal,” Matsoso noted.

Disagreement centres on a handful of words

In some cases, a handful of words and phrases obstruct agreement. 

“Voluntary” is one of the sticky words. In the case of research and development (Article 9), the final outstanding issue relates to whether it is possible to compel industry to provide people who take part in clinical trials access to whatever products arise – or whether this should be voluntary. Related to this article, there is a push for trialists’ communities to also get access to these products.

Outstanding disputes over terminology in the pandemic talks.

This word crops up again in connection with technology transfer (Article 11) – and whether this should be mandatory or voluntary or on “mutually agreed terms”. 

The other sticking point in Article 11 is whether the terms of the licences of “government-owned health technologies” related to pandemic products should be made public.

Although it may seem like a no-brainer that taxpayers should have the right to know where their money goes, pharmaceutical companies often like to keep the terms of these agreements secret. 

Ten countries are pushing for the term “unhindered access” to be included in Article 13 and 13 (bis) dealing with the logistics and procurement of pandemic products. The 10 – including Russia, Iran, Syria, North Korea and Cuba – face “unilateral coercive measures” (sanctions) and want these lifted during pandemics.

“This is one of the difficult issues that the Bureau has to deal with, and we have to ensure that the pandemic agreement doesn’t become a platform for other issues,” Matsoso noted.

What’s in a word?

Some outstanding clauses can simply be resolved if negotiators agree on definitions, said Matsoso.

Agreement on “relevant stakeholders” would resolve 18 paragraphs; “know-how” would resolve eight paragraphs; “voluntary” would resolve six; “mutually agreed”, five. Deciding on “persons or people” would also resolve five.

Articles agreed on at the Intergovernmental Negotiating Body.

Despite the two substantial issues and the many ratty little details, Matsoso is hopeful that negotiating parties will reach agreement at the next short meeting between 2-6 December.

But, she notes, there is agreement on five major areas (give or take the odd phrase) – health system resilience (Article 5), health and care workforce (Article 6), R&D (Article 9), geographically diverse local production (Article 10) and regulatory systems strengthening (14).

“If we adopted this draft tomorrow, it would ensure health workers are protected, there are measures to build resilient health systems and regulatory systems are strengthened. But these provisions alone aren’t sufficient,” said Matsoso.

Image Credits: Rodger Bosch / Medicines Patent Pool.