The latest ten-year data shows almost no change. Can the momentum of outrage finally push officials to take high-impact measures to lower pollution this year?

It’s Delhi 2026.

Since 2016, there’s been near-zero improvement in the city’s air pollution during the annual peak pollution period of October to December, a new analysis by the Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA) reveals. This period also usually sees peak coverage and public outrage about the crisis.

In 2025, average levels for those peak months even inched up a notch over the year before to 177 micrograms/cubic meter (µg/m³) of PM2.5 – despite a slight decline in the annual average levels in 2025 as compared to 2024 (96 µg/m³ in 2025 versus 105 in 2024).

This means average levels in the peak pollution months were over 35 times the WHO’s annual average guideline of 5 µg/m³ and 11 times the peak 24 guideline limit of 15 µg/m³. And that’s if questions over the robustness of the latest government monitoring data are ignored for the moment.

For nine of these last 10 years, opposition-led the Aam Aadmi Party was in power in Delhi, while Narendra Modi’s BJP party has been in power at the national level during the entire time.

In 2025, Delhi also elected a BJP-led state government, which means the BJP is now in power at the national, state and municipality level – a ‘triple engine sarkar’, as the Hindustan Times framed it, referring to the Hindi term for “government.” Indeed, the BJP not only controls Delhi, but also the governments of two key bordering states, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh – which generate smoke from crop waste burning that contributes to the capital’s autumn smog crisis.

That’s also why the new Delhi government, led by Chief Minister Ms Rekha Gupta, was expected to be uniquely placed to reduce pollution when she assumed office. Yet, as the peak season began, there was little indication of a significant shift in strategy.

Unprecedented outrage against air pollution

Public outrage against air pollution in Delhi and northern India has escalated to a level not seen in many years. It’s been characterised by a mix of anger and cutting humour – reels, memes and so on – against the government and the crisis.

There were other aspects. Multiple protests, including the one on 9th November where police detained several demonstrators, including parents, among others, demanding clean air for their children.

Multiple groups have been created on various social media and messaging apps.

Some TV anchors and journalists, seen to be close to the ruling establishment since 2014, took many by surprise by pivoting and questioning official inaction and apathy.

 

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India’s air pollution is “a metaphor for the challenges facing the nation more broadly.… if India cannot solve a problem that manifestly and acutely affects its elite, the prospects for solving the larger challenges confronting the country remain slim,” observed Arvind Subramanian and Devesh Kapur, in their book, A Sixth of Humanity, published last October.

India’s environment minister Bhupender Yadav held a series of meetings on Delhi’s pollution, including one where he directed officials to “ensure visible improvement” in the air quality across Delhi and its neighbourhood “within one week.” That was mid-December. By the end of the month, there was no improvement. In fact, this December saw the worst pollution since 2018.

Delhi’s environment minister and chief minister held several meetings, extensively posted policy action and photo ops on social media.

There have been some positive steps, like distributing electric heaters to gatekeepers at various residential areas, curbs on categories of polluting vehicles, and stricter enforcement of OCEMS, online continuous emissions monitoring systems, at thousands of factories.

Gaps in pollution control

Along with the global “embarrassment” mentioned in A Sixth of Humanity, critical technical gaps remain.

Firstly, misplaced focus on PM10:

The government’s focus remains on spraying water to control dust because it continues to prioritise controlling PM10 particulate matter pollutants rather than the finer PM2.5 ones. PM2.5 is dangerous because it is small enough to enter the bloodstream and, so, is more lethal, whereas the body’s defenses can often stop the larger PM10 particles.

In theory, watering down dust may help, but in practice, there hasn’t been much improvement. As this clip shows there’s simply too much pollution. And this water mist barely tackles PM2.5.

⚪️ Installs anti smog guns on top of 13 high rise buildings in Delhi to tackle pollution.pic.twitter.com/CJQWH18SYt

— Mediterranean Voice (@mediterranvoice) December 26, 2025

Secondly, lack of political will:

At a national level, there’s a lack of political will to stop the practice of farmers burning the residue of the paddy harvest in the three states north of Delhi and upwind of the city – Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. This contributes almost 10% of the pollution in October and November in Delhi and the neighbourhood, according to a government (IITM) study, but on certain days and hours, it can be much higher.

Thirdly, pseudo-science over evidence:

There has been a reluctance among decision-makers to fully embrace scientifically evidence-based action. So a lot of time, taxpayers’ money, and effort over the years have gone into what may be described as pseudo-science, like smog towers, or action taken against scientific advice, like cloud-seeding trials.

Fourthly, flawed monitoring of vehicular pollution:

The Delhi government has, in a well-intentioned move, made pollution-under-control (PUC) certificates mandatory for all vehicles. However, the old PUC regime is flawed, and it needs to be replaced as it doesn’t check for key pollutants like PM2.5 and nitrogen oxides, which are major contributors to Delhi’s pollution.

But to give credit where credit is due: a new panel has been formed by the national government with external experts on curbing vehicular pollution, which contributes more than a third of the capital’s air pollution levels.

Battle against air pollution, 2026

There have been political missteps, too.

One example: In early July, after public protests pressured the Delhi government to quickly roll back stricter enforcement of limits on old, polluting vehicles, the same government also successfully petitioned the Supreme Court to reverse a previous ban on firecrackers during the annual Diwali festival of lights, arguing that certain brands of so-called “green firecrackers” would not pollute. They were wrong. And the ensuing smoke was a factor in 2025’s post-Diwali pollution being the worst in years; and the chief minister repeatedly came in for criticism for comments she made on pollution.

In 2026, can the public’s pressure, and even the government’s momentum, for clean air action be sustained or will it, as in the past, fizzle out when Delhi’s peak pollution season tapers off?

Republished, with slight adaptation, from the original ‘What Am I Breathing’ Substack by Chetan Bhattacharji, a senior correspondent for Health Policy Watch from Delhi. 

Image Credits: Chetan Bhattacharji, Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air.